WASHINGTON, D.C. -- The "Qatif girl" has put the spotlight on the Saudi justice system. Last year, several men abducted and raped a young woman and her male friend in Saudi Arabia. While the court sentenced the rapists to prison, it also ruled that the 19-year-old woman (and her male companion) would receive 90 lashes. The woman was in the company of a man not related to her in the absence of her legal male guardian (khulwa), which is illegal in Saudi Arabia. After her lawyer appealed the ruling, the court increased her sentence to 200 lashes and added a six-month prison term. Earlier this week, Saudi King Abdullah pardoned the woman.
The plight of the "Qatif girl" has drawn much international attention and public outcry, but it has also oversimplified the debate over women's rights in Saudi Arabia by focusing on a dramatic case of government action. Findings from a recent Gallup Poll conducted in Saudi Arabia show that majorities of respondents support freedoms for women. Although Saudi men are less likely than Saudi women to agree that certain rights should be guaranteed to women, it is important to note that majorities of men do support such freedoms. People surveyed in Egypt and Iran, where women experience various levels of restrictions, express different opinions and interpretations of women's rights in the Muslim world.
Freedom of Movement and the Right to Work
Age and a valid driver's license usually determine whether an individual can operate a vehicle, but in Saudi Arabia, women are prohibited from driving. Poll results show that 66% of Saudi women and 55% of Saudi men agree that women should be allowed to drive a car by themselves. In light of the ban on female driving, such relatively high levels of public support are remarkable. Recently, several Saudi women founded a group to raise awareness about this issue. This fall, the Committee of Demanders of Women's Right to Drive Cars in Saudi Arabia collected more than 1,000 signatures and sent the petition to the king asking him to rescind the driving ban, which has been official since 1990.
Both sexes also support the right to work outside the home. More than 8 in 10 Saudi women (82%) and three-quarters of Saudi men (75%) agree that women should be allowed to hold any job for which they are qualified outside the home. As a point of comparison, in Iran, the gender gap on this issue is 17 points and in Egypt, it stretches to 21 points.
In recent years, more Saudi women have been entering the labor force. And although less than 20% of women in Saudi Arabia participate in the workforce, they represent 31% of professional and technical workers, according to the United Nations' latest Human Development Report. Speaking at the Tallberg Forum this summer, Princess Deema Bint Turki Ben Abdul Aziz Al-Saud of Saudi Arabia told the audience that Saudi women "are able to achieve success in several areas of public and social life." For example, in 2005, female candidates ran for seats on the board of the Jeddah Chamber of Commerce and two women were elected, a great achievement in conservative Saudi society. Currently, four women sit on the board.
The Meaning of Equality
Under Islamic law, men bear full financial responsibility to provide for their households and women are not obligated to work outside the home. But if they do, they have the right to keep their wages. This distinction between the genders casts light on the complementary roles that women and men have in Islam, where each is a partner to the other.
Gallup findings reveal that there is no gender gap among Saudis with respect to attitudes toward women keeping their earnings. Eighty-four percent of Saudi women and 83% of Saudi men agree that women should be allowed to keep all earnings from their jobs for themselves and that their husbands should support their households in full. It is noteworthy that a law that appears to disadvantage men receives such strong support from them. The Gallup Poll also asked this question in three European countries: Fifty-eight percent of French respondents agree that women should keep their wages and that their husbands should support them. But in Germany and the United Kingdom, only 38% and 34%, respectively, agree.
However, Egyptian respondents express far less enthusiasm than Saudi respondents do for such a right, as 48% of Egyptian women and 51% of Egyptian men agree on this issue. This finding suggests that in light of the challenging socio-economic realities in Egypt, many families may be forced to ignore rights women do have under Islamic law out of financial necessity. As a comparison, in Iran, 63% of women versus 51% of men agree that women should have the right to keep their wages.
When asked if both sexes should have equal legal rights, almost 8 in 10 Saudi women (79%) and two-thirds of men (66%) agree. In Egypt, respondents express similar levels of support for "equal legal rights" and Iranians, especially women, are even more likely to agree on this issue. But "equal legal rights" do not mean men and women have the same rights. In Islamic family law, rights reflect the different obligations of the wife and husband, acting as partners in life. The issue of "same rights" in Muslim communities could actually mean a loss of rights for women. For instance, in some Muslim societies, women would have to share their wages with their husbands, which they do not have to do under current law, as interpreted by Muslims globally. Such nuance is frequently overlooked in conversations about gender parity in the Muslim world.
The Right to Lead
In 2006, Dr. Ali Gomaa, the Grand Mufti of Egypt, issued a religious opinion (fatwa) stating that women, under Islamic law, have the right to become heads of state in contemporary Muslim nations. But just as women have the right to keep what they earn or inherit, tradition in patriarchal, conservative societies may take priority over the legal codes.
While the right for women to lead a nation is the issue that elicits the greatest differences of opinions between the sexes in Saudi Arabia, that a slight majority of men agree is remarkable. Sixty-six percent of Saudi women versus 52% of Saudi men agree women should be able to hold leadership positions in the cabinet and the national council. In Iran, the gender split reaches 18 points and in Egypt, the gap between women's and men's attitudes on this item widens to 24 points. In September 2006, findings from a Gallup Panel survey conducted in the United States revealed that 57% of women and 65% of men said that Americans were ready to elect a woman as president.
While many in the international community have focused on the unfairness of the sentence of the "Qatif girl" before the king's pardon, the case should not be considered representative of Saudis' attitudes toward women. In fact, the poll findings reveal that support to ensure certain rights for women exists in Saudi Arabia. Although much remains to be done, Western analysts should not conflate the government's interpretation of Islamic law's restrictions of women and the perspectives of the Saudi public.
Survey Methods
Results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,006 adults in Saudi Arabia in June-July 2007, aged 15 and older.
In Egypt, results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,024 adults in July 2007, aged 15 and older.
In Iran, results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,004 adults in June-July 2007, aged 15 and older.
In France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, results are based on telephone interviews with a total of 3,053 adults, aged 15 and older, in December 2006-January 2007.
In the United States, results are based on telephone interviews with 1,010 national adults, aged 18 and older, conducted Sept. 21-24, 2006. Respondents were randomly drawn from Gallup's household panel. Gallup panel members are recruited through random selection methods. The panel was weighted prior to sampling so that it was demographically representative of the U.S. adult population.
For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±3 percentage points. In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.
- Magali Rheault (Gallup)
Friday, December 21, 2007
Wednesday, December 19, 2007
Saudi Arabia: ‘Qatif Girl’ Subjected to Brutal Crime: King
JEDDAH — The official pardon of “Qatif Girl”, which was released late Monday night by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah, said that the “Qatif Girl” had been subjected to “a brutal crime”. The pardon, which was read by Justice Minister Abdullah Al-Asheikh on Monday night on Saudi Channel One, describes the reasoning for the decision. “According to what has been gathered in the file of this case from the evidence, the facts show that the woman was subjected to a brutal crime, which saddened us,” the statement from the king reads.
“A mistake in pardoning is less than a mistake in punishment, according to Islamic jurists. As no final ruling was issued by the court, besides a (Ta’azir) ruling, we are allowed to pardon her.”
A Ta’azir ruling is one based on an interpretation of Shariah by a judge or panel of judges, rather than a direct reference to proper punishments for specific crimes in the Qur’an or Hadith. The “Qatif Girl” was sentenced to 200 lashes and six months in prison based on an interpretation of her crime (in this case “khulwa”, or “isolation”, with a man in a vehicle) and its detrimental effect on society as determined by the judge.
Asheikh said on Monday to a Saudi local newspaper that the king “is convinced and trusts that the verdicts are just and fair.” But the king’s pardon read by the minister says that the pardon was “because the woman and the man who was with her were subject to torture and stubbornness that is considered in itself sufficient in disciplining both of them and to learn from the lesson.”
The pardon ordered the suspension of the trial against both defendants — “Qatif Girl” and her male companion, who was also reportedly raped — and a continuation of the review of the sentencing of the seven young men found guilty of rape. The king ordered the Ministry of Justice to give the rapists the strictest sentence possible for their crime. The king also issued a warning that no mercy would be given to those who dare to violate Islamic law or pose a threat to public safety.
In the second verdict that was issued in November, the convicted rapists had their sentences increased to between two and nine years in prison. The pardon also underscored the king’s support for the justice system. “Men of justice are our men and deputies and we count on them, after God, to establish justice; to cut the way in front of every jealous person who wants to use such cases to harm the country’s reputation,” the statement reads.
The pardon continued to be well-received yesterday by human rights and women’s groups, who tempered their thanks with a request for increased protection of women in the judicial system.
The recently formed Saudi Women’s Association, which petitioned for the right to drive in September, issued a statement yesterday thanking King Abdullah for recognizing the brutal nature of the crime and reversing the decision to punish the rape victim.
“We sincerely thank you and deliver our highest appreciation of your kind pardon of the ‘Qatif Girl’,” the statement reads. “We were sure of your kind heart and the goodness of your soul.”
The statement goes on to ask that the Saudi government “issuing legislations that protect women from abuse and family oppression.”
King Saud University professor and columnist Hamza Al-Mezaini, who received a royal pardon from King Abdullah in 2005 when he was crown prince, said Qatif Girl’s pardon is a sign that the king is following closely such matters.
“Pardoning the girl means the king is monitoring and directly following up such cases,” he said. “It clearly shows that he is keeping a close eye on all matters Saudi. He is our shelter.”
Mizeini was facing 275 lashes and four-months of imprisonment after a professor brought slander charges against him for criticizing what the columnist called extremist elements at the institution.
Although Mizeini said that there should be some control over the way the media cover ongoing court cases, he said the media scrutiny in this trial “served the girl well.”
“But that’s not guarantee it will have the same effect each time,” he said.
In one interview published in Saudi Arabia, one of the judges of the High Court openly expressed his desire to see the rape victims and the rapists executed.
During the televised presentation of the king’s pardon, Asheikh denied what he describes as “rumors” that the license of Qatif Girl’s lawyer, Abdul Rahman Al-Lahem, had been revoked. The minister said that the Saudi law has established means to punish lawyers if mistakes were reported on them from individuals or societies.
“Punishing any lawyer is not merely a reactionary move,” he said. “There is a formed committee at the ministry that decides on lawyers state and whether to keep their license, revoke them or punish them accordingly. No decision was made by the Ministry (of Justice) against the lawyer in this regard.”
- Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News
“A mistake in pardoning is less than a mistake in punishment, according to Islamic jurists. As no final ruling was issued by the court, besides a (Ta’azir) ruling, we are allowed to pardon her.”
A Ta’azir ruling is one based on an interpretation of Shariah by a judge or panel of judges, rather than a direct reference to proper punishments for specific crimes in the Qur’an or Hadith. The “Qatif Girl” was sentenced to 200 lashes and six months in prison based on an interpretation of her crime (in this case “khulwa”, or “isolation”, with a man in a vehicle) and its detrimental effect on society as determined by the judge.
Asheikh said on Monday to a Saudi local newspaper that the king “is convinced and trusts that the verdicts are just and fair.” But the king’s pardon read by the minister says that the pardon was “because the woman and the man who was with her were subject to torture and stubbornness that is considered in itself sufficient in disciplining both of them and to learn from the lesson.”
The pardon ordered the suspension of the trial against both defendants — “Qatif Girl” and her male companion, who was also reportedly raped — and a continuation of the review of the sentencing of the seven young men found guilty of rape. The king ordered the Ministry of Justice to give the rapists the strictest sentence possible for their crime. The king also issued a warning that no mercy would be given to those who dare to violate Islamic law or pose a threat to public safety.
In the second verdict that was issued in November, the convicted rapists had their sentences increased to between two and nine years in prison. The pardon also underscored the king’s support for the justice system. “Men of justice are our men and deputies and we count on them, after God, to establish justice; to cut the way in front of every jealous person who wants to use such cases to harm the country’s reputation,” the statement reads.
The pardon continued to be well-received yesterday by human rights and women’s groups, who tempered their thanks with a request for increased protection of women in the judicial system.
The recently formed Saudi Women’s Association, which petitioned for the right to drive in September, issued a statement yesterday thanking King Abdullah for recognizing the brutal nature of the crime and reversing the decision to punish the rape victim.
“We sincerely thank you and deliver our highest appreciation of your kind pardon of the ‘Qatif Girl’,” the statement reads. “We were sure of your kind heart and the goodness of your soul.”
The statement goes on to ask that the Saudi government “issuing legislations that protect women from abuse and family oppression.”
King Saud University professor and columnist Hamza Al-Mezaini, who received a royal pardon from King Abdullah in 2005 when he was crown prince, said Qatif Girl’s pardon is a sign that the king is following closely such matters.
“Pardoning the girl means the king is monitoring and directly following up such cases,” he said. “It clearly shows that he is keeping a close eye on all matters Saudi. He is our shelter.”
Mizeini was facing 275 lashes and four-months of imprisonment after a professor brought slander charges against him for criticizing what the columnist called extremist elements at the institution.
Although Mizeini said that there should be some control over the way the media cover ongoing court cases, he said the media scrutiny in this trial “served the girl well.”
“But that’s not guarantee it will have the same effect each time,” he said.
In one interview published in Saudi Arabia, one of the judges of the High Court openly expressed his desire to see the rape victims and the rapists executed.
During the televised presentation of the king’s pardon, Asheikh denied what he describes as “rumors” that the license of Qatif Girl’s lawyer, Abdul Rahman Al-Lahem, had been revoked. The minister said that the Saudi law has established means to punish lawyers if mistakes were reported on them from individuals or societies.
“Punishing any lawyer is not merely a reactionary move,” he said. “There is a formed committee at the ministry that decides on lawyers state and whether to keep their license, revoke them or punish them accordingly. No decision was made by the Ministry (of Justice) against the lawyer in this regard.”
- Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News
Monday, December 17, 2007
Egypt: Egypt's YouTube Democrats
Washington Post
By Jackson Diehl
They do know a lot of people like themselves. "The majority of Egyptians are like us, under the age of 35," said Ahmed Samih, the 28-year-old director of the Andalus Institute for Tolerance and Anti-Violence Studies in Cairo. "Our president is 85, and far away from Facebook."
Samih, a fearless man who says he has been a political activist since age 17, ought to know. Six months ago he founded a Facebook group called "What happens when Hosni Mubarak dies?"
Mubarak, who has ruled Egypt under "emergency law" since 1981, is actually only 79. But he is noticeably fading. And Samih's group has attracted 2,741 members, almost all of them Egyptian.
Facebook and YouTube are where the young Egyptian democracy movement lives -- mostly out of reach of Mubarak's secret police. There are more than 60 Facebook groups devoted to liberal Egyptian causes; many of them have thousands of members. On YouTube, one can find hundreds of video clips showing demonstrations for human rights in Egypt, speeches by liberal activists, sermons by reformist Muslim clerics -- and torture by Mubarak's security forces, captured on cellphones.
The king of torture videos is Wael Abbas, a 34-year-old journalist and blogger. A clip he posted of police sodomizing a minibus driver with a stick scandalized the country and forced the prosecution of two officers. Last month, his YouTube account was suspended, on the grounds that his videos violated the site's standards. Following a clamor from human rights groups and a shower of e-mails from outraged Egyptians, his access was restored, and 187 of his clips were back up last week.
This is not to say that Egyptian activists can't be found in real-life neighborhoods. One of the interesting things about the activists visiting Washington was their disdain for the aging elite of Egypt's opposition parties, who mostly confine themselves to editing small newspapers or writing books. "It's time to get out and work with groups that have concrete problems," said Mozn Hassan, the 28-year-old head of Nazra for Feminist Studies, a group focused on training female activists. "People who are living in Upper Egypt don't care about the emergency law. But if we can relate this to their rights as a woman, or as a [Christian] Copt, or as a person who cannot get work, we can recruit them to the overall cause of reform."
The activists were brought to the United States by the human rights group Freedom House, which gave them one-month fellowships to work with U.S. community organizations and arranged for them to meet Rice on Human Rights Day. Many of them were in the United States for the first time. They seemed grateful for the opportunity to meet Rice even though they've been disappointed by her swivel in the past two years from calling on Egypt to "lead the way" to Arab democratization to embracing Mubarak as a "mainstream ally" and helpmate in Israeli-Palestinian talks.
"The United States has decided it needs Mubarak more than they need to support the human rights cause," said Ola Shahba, a 29-year-old project manager for Nahdet El Mahrousa, a group that promotes community development projects. "We are in trouble, and we need to work our way out of it."
Part of that work, as the activists saw it, was reminding Rice and others in Washington that support for democracy in Egypt is not a matter of charity. "We are not just saying, 'We are some idealistic group so help us,' " said Samih. "We are saying, 'This is in your national interest.' Reform in Egypt is important to the United States. The theory that the devil you know is better than the devil you don't doesn't work -- because the devil you know brought you Mohamed Atta."
For now that truth seems to have been forgotten at Rice's State Department. But Samih and his friends are young, and they are busy planning for life after Hosni Mubarak and George W. Bush.
By Jackson Diehl
They do know a lot of people like themselves. "The majority of Egyptians are like us, under the age of 35," said Ahmed Samih, the 28-year-old director of the Andalus Institute for Tolerance and Anti-Violence Studies in Cairo. "Our president is 85, and far away from Facebook."
Samih, a fearless man who says he has been a political activist since age 17, ought to know. Six months ago he founded a Facebook group called "What happens when Hosni Mubarak dies?"
Mubarak, who has ruled Egypt under "emergency law" since 1981, is actually only 79. But he is noticeably fading. And Samih's group has attracted 2,741 members, almost all of them Egyptian.
Facebook and YouTube are where the young Egyptian democracy movement lives -- mostly out of reach of Mubarak's secret police. There are more than 60 Facebook groups devoted to liberal Egyptian causes; many of them have thousands of members. On YouTube, one can find hundreds of video clips showing demonstrations for human rights in Egypt, speeches by liberal activists, sermons by reformist Muslim clerics -- and torture by Mubarak's security forces, captured on cellphones.
The king of torture videos is Wael Abbas, a 34-year-old journalist and blogger. A clip he posted of police sodomizing a minibus driver with a stick scandalized the country and forced the prosecution of two officers. Last month, his YouTube account was suspended, on the grounds that his videos violated the site's standards. Following a clamor from human rights groups and a shower of e-mails from outraged Egyptians, his access was restored, and 187 of his clips were back up last week.
This is not to say that Egyptian activists can't be found in real-life neighborhoods. One of the interesting things about the activists visiting Washington was their disdain for the aging elite of Egypt's opposition parties, who mostly confine themselves to editing small newspapers or writing books. "It's time to get out and work with groups that have concrete problems," said Mozn Hassan, the 28-year-old head of Nazra for Feminist Studies, a group focused on training female activists. "People who are living in Upper Egypt don't care about the emergency law. But if we can relate this to their rights as a woman, or as a [Christian] Copt, or as a person who cannot get work, we can recruit them to the overall cause of reform."
The activists were brought to the United States by the human rights group Freedom House, which gave them one-month fellowships to work with U.S. community organizations and arranged for them to meet Rice on Human Rights Day. Many of them were in the United States for the first time. They seemed grateful for the opportunity to meet Rice even though they've been disappointed by her swivel in the past two years from calling on Egypt to "lead the way" to Arab democratization to embracing Mubarak as a "mainstream ally" and helpmate in Israeli-Palestinian talks.
"The United States has decided it needs Mubarak more than they need to support the human rights cause," said Ola Shahba, a 29-year-old project manager for Nahdet El Mahrousa, a group that promotes community development projects. "We are in trouble, and we need to work our way out of it."
Part of that work, as the activists saw it, was reminding Rice and others in Washington that support for democracy in Egypt is not a matter of charity. "We are not just saying, 'We are some idealistic group so help us,' " said Samih. "We are saying, 'This is in your national interest.' Reform in Egypt is important to the United States. The theory that the devil you know is better than the devil you don't doesn't work -- because the devil you know brought you Mohamed Atta."
For now that truth seems to have been forgotten at Rice's State Department. But Samih and his friends are young, and they are busy planning for life after Hosni Mubarak and George W. Bush.
Saudi Arabia: Reforms in Higher Education Raise Questions
In a lavish ceremony in November in the remote port town of Thuwal, a three-hour drive from Mecca, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia laid the cornerstone for a new Western-style science and technology university. "Based on Islam's eternal values, which urge us to seek knowledge and develop ourselves and our societies, and relying on God Almighty, we declare the establishment of King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, and hope it will be a source of knowledge and serve as a bridge between people and cultures," he told the crowd of over 1,500 national and foreign dignitaries. Observers, however, are skeptical about the viability of such new institutions.
The King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) is at the forefront of Saudi Arabia's new efforts to reform an antiquated higher education system. The country’s Ministry of Higher Education—established in 1975—has been mainly controlled by the Wahhabi elite, who emphasize religious instruction over liberal arts or sciences. As recently as 2003, Saudi Arabia had only eight universities for a population of over 22 million people—75 percent of them under 30—and spent less than a quarter of one percent of its GDP on research, as opposed to 10 percent spent on the military.
Under the leadership of reform-minded King Abdullah, the country has begun a massive overhaul of its higher education system. The Ministry of Higher Education has opened more than 100 new universities and colleges in the past four years, funded by a $15-billion budget, which has tripled since 2004. KAUST's $10-billion endowment makes it the sixth richest university in the world before even opening its doors. King Saud University, the nation's largest, recently announced the hiring of twenty-four Nobel laureates. The government has also lifted its ban on private universities, and will be providing $10-million toward scholarships and building costs for the half-dozen private institutions already in the works.
As a personal project of the King—and under the aegis of the relatively secular Saudi oil company Aramco rather than the Ministry—KAUST will push social boundaries by becoming the Kingdom’s first co-educational university. Some of the new private universities are hoping to follow in its path. Among KAUST's advisors are high-ranking administrators from Cornell University, Imperial College of London, and the National Academy of Sciences. Private universities have already teamed up with consultants from Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the University of Cambridge.
Education reform is also part of a set of broader efforts to diversify the Saudi economy and “Saudify” the Kingdom's companies, a strategy to address the staggering youth unemployment rate of 30 percent. In turn, most of the reforms are directed toward the sciences, high-tech, and other lucrative fields. "We've tailored most of out new programs—I'd say close to 80 percent of them—to the labor market needs," says Mohammed al-Ohali, deputy minister of higher education. Many university administrators also admit that focusing on the sciences—rather than politics, literature or history—will help them escape the scorn of the Saudi religious elite.
One of the primary challenges facing these new universities will be attracting Western faculty to a country known for its severe social restrictions, such as the ban on alcohol, most public entertainment, and women’s driving as well as restrictions on women's dress. To overcome these challenges, KAUST is planning on spending $100-million a year on international research grants and academic prizes, and will shoulder the costs of jointly hiring professors at foreign universities who will split their time between the partners. The university also hopes to create a steady pipeline of graduate students by funding 250 undergraduates every year to complete their studies abroad in exchange for commitments to enroll in KAUST as graduate students.
But critics both inside and outside the Kingdom are skeptical that these new universities, even with Western faculty and Western-designed curricula, will be able to flourish in the restrictive Saudi environment. "It's not only about buildings and labs and big names and throwing money at everything," says Khalid al-Dakhil, a former professor at King Saud University who was forced to retire early because of his controversial research about Saudi history. "If you want to build a Western-style university in Saudi Arabia, you have to remember that these institutions prospered because of the freedom of those societies. You have to be comfortable asking questions."
Even the special status accorded to KAUST by the King's sponsorship may not be enough to protect it from adversarial forces in Saudi society. Hassan al-Husseini, a former administrator at the King Fahad University of Petroleum and Minerals, which was Saudi Aramco's first attempt at starting a Western-style university, cautions that "when something is established by royal edict, then that same thing can be reversed by another royal edict. It's not like you have legal protection for such things in Saudi Arabia."
- Zvika Krieger, a special correspondent for Newsweek and Middle East correspondent for the Chronicle of Higher Education.
The King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) is at the forefront of Saudi Arabia's new efforts to reform an antiquated higher education system. The country’s Ministry of Higher Education—established in 1975—has been mainly controlled by the Wahhabi elite, who emphasize religious instruction over liberal arts or sciences. As recently as 2003, Saudi Arabia had only eight universities for a population of over 22 million people—75 percent of them under 30—and spent less than a quarter of one percent of its GDP on research, as opposed to 10 percent spent on the military.
Under the leadership of reform-minded King Abdullah, the country has begun a massive overhaul of its higher education system. The Ministry of Higher Education has opened more than 100 new universities and colleges in the past four years, funded by a $15-billion budget, which has tripled since 2004. KAUST's $10-billion endowment makes it the sixth richest university in the world before even opening its doors. King Saud University, the nation's largest, recently announced the hiring of twenty-four Nobel laureates. The government has also lifted its ban on private universities, and will be providing $10-million toward scholarships and building costs for the half-dozen private institutions already in the works.
As a personal project of the King—and under the aegis of the relatively secular Saudi oil company Aramco rather than the Ministry—KAUST will push social boundaries by becoming the Kingdom’s first co-educational university. Some of the new private universities are hoping to follow in its path. Among KAUST's advisors are high-ranking administrators from Cornell University, Imperial College of London, and the National Academy of Sciences. Private universities have already teamed up with consultants from Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the University of Cambridge.
Education reform is also part of a set of broader efforts to diversify the Saudi economy and “Saudify” the Kingdom's companies, a strategy to address the staggering youth unemployment rate of 30 percent. In turn, most of the reforms are directed toward the sciences, high-tech, and other lucrative fields. "We've tailored most of out new programs—I'd say close to 80 percent of them—to the labor market needs," says Mohammed al-Ohali, deputy minister of higher education. Many university administrators also admit that focusing on the sciences—rather than politics, literature or history—will help them escape the scorn of the Saudi religious elite.
One of the primary challenges facing these new universities will be attracting Western faculty to a country known for its severe social restrictions, such as the ban on alcohol, most public entertainment, and women’s driving as well as restrictions on women's dress. To overcome these challenges, KAUST is planning on spending $100-million a year on international research grants and academic prizes, and will shoulder the costs of jointly hiring professors at foreign universities who will split their time between the partners. The university also hopes to create a steady pipeline of graduate students by funding 250 undergraduates every year to complete their studies abroad in exchange for commitments to enroll in KAUST as graduate students.
But critics both inside and outside the Kingdom are skeptical that these new universities, even with Western faculty and Western-designed curricula, will be able to flourish in the restrictive Saudi environment. "It's not only about buildings and labs and big names and throwing money at everything," says Khalid al-Dakhil, a former professor at King Saud University who was forced to retire early because of his controversial research about Saudi history. "If you want to build a Western-style university in Saudi Arabia, you have to remember that these institutions prospered because of the freedom of those societies. You have to be comfortable asking questions."
Even the special status accorded to KAUST by the King's sponsorship may not be enough to protect it from adversarial forces in Saudi society. Hassan al-Husseini, a former administrator at the King Fahad University of Petroleum and Minerals, which was Saudi Aramco's first attempt at starting a Western-style university, cautions that "when something is established by royal edict, then that same thing can be reversed by another royal edict. It's not like you have legal protection for such things in Saudi Arabia."
- Zvika Krieger, a special correspondent for Newsweek and Middle East correspondent for the Chronicle of Higher Education.
Saudi Arabia: Reforms in higher education raise questions.
The King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) is at the forefront of Saudi Arabia's new efforts to reform an antiquated higher education system.
The country’s Ministry of Higher Education—established in 1975—has been mainly controlled by the Wahhabi elite, who emphasize religious instruction over liberal arts or sciences. Under the leadership of reform-minded King Abdullah, the country has begun a massive overhaul of its higher education system.
The Ministry of Higher Education has opened more than 100 new universities and colleges in the past four years, funded by a $15-billion budget, which has tripled since 2004.
KAUST's $10-billion endowment makes it the sixth richest university in the world before even opening its doors. King Saud University, the nation's largest, recently announced the hiring of twenty-four Nobel laureates.
The government has also lifted its ban on private universities, and will be providing $10-million toward scholarships and building costs for the half-dozen private institutions already in the works.
(Arab Reform Bulletin, December)
The country’s Ministry of Higher Education—established in 1975—has been mainly controlled by the Wahhabi elite, who emphasize religious instruction over liberal arts or sciences. Under the leadership of reform-minded King Abdullah, the country has begun a massive overhaul of its higher education system.
The Ministry of Higher Education has opened more than 100 new universities and colleges in the past four years, funded by a $15-billion budget, which has tripled since 2004.
KAUST's $10-billion endowment makes it the sixth richest university in the world before even opening its doors. King Saud University, the nation's largest, recently announced the hiring of twenty-four Nobel laureates.
The government has also lifted its ban on private universities, and will be providing $10-million toward scholarships and building costs for the half-dozen private institutions already in the works.
(Arab Reform Bulletin, December)
Sunday, December 16, 2007
Algeria: Violence mars women's equality
ALGIERS (Reuters) - The sight of women working as bus and taxi drivers, petrol pump attendants or police officers in Algeria's larger towns can surprise newcomers by suggesting women are emancipated in Algeria. They are not, feminists say.
Such cases remain exceptions in a male-dominated Muslim society in which, despite official appearances, women are often treated like slaves and violently abused by husbands, fathers and brothers.
"Don't be fooled by a minority of westernized women," said Saliha Larab from Algerian women's organization RAFD. "Algeria remains a very conservative society that considers women as second-class citizens."
Algerian women who fought for independence -- like Hassiba Ben Bouali and Jamila Bouhired -- are still held up as heroines in the north African country.
Equality of the sexes is enshrined in Algeria's constitution and women hold senior positions in central and regional government, the courts, security services and embassies.
The government says sexual harassment has been criminalized and provisions added to legislation to bolster women's rights.
But up to a dozen women and children can sometimes be seen sleeping rough on the streets in downtown Algiers at night, many fleeing spousal abuse or rejected by husbands in family disputes.
According to police figures, 7,400 women in the north African country of 33 million were victims of violence in 2005, up from 5,845 in 2004.
"The figures don't say much. The big problem is most victims don't complain," said Larab. "They stay silent, fear reprisals by society. A woman does not have the right to complain."
At a centre for women in distress in Algiers, Lamia, 35, said she had endured five years of beatings from her husband in front of her young children before he threw her onto the streets.
She fled her village to escape a barrage of persecution and insults from her husband and neighbors. Destitute, she appealed to her own family but they rejected and abandoned her.
Lamia received no support and for a while lost custody of her children. When they were returned to her she found they had been sexually abused by one of her husband's relatives. "I made a complaint but all I got in return was another beating from my husband, who is a police officer."
Now in the shelter, Lamia's daughter is back in primary school after a long break in her education. A non-governmental organization gave her legal assistance to claim rights such as child maintenance payments from her husband and official custody of the children.
HEROINES
Although reproductive health has improved dramatically and the birth rate declined, the rate of illiteracy among Algerian women is still twice as high as for men, at 37 percent, and only 13 per cent of women are in the paid workforce, according to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
With nearly a quarter of Algerians living below the national poverty line and 70 percent of adults under 30 without a job, frustration and insecurity are widespread -- and women are most often the victims.
Amnesty International said in a report in 2005 that allegations of rape and other sexual violence were often not investigated and those responsible were not brought to justice.
A 2005 amendment to the family code improved the position of women by banning men from divorcing their wives for no reason, giving women access to financial support from former husbands and a right to a home if they gain custody of their children.
But President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rejected a recommendation by a government-appointed reform commission to abolish a rule forcing women to get permission from a male family member or so-called tutor to marry.
Analysts say Bouteflika's decision not to drop the clause from an amendment to the 1984 family code showed Islamic parties still carry influence after a long-running militant uprising that has claimed the lives of up to 200,000.
SINGING CAREER, SUICIDE
Wives and daughters who make their grievances public often risk a violent revenge by incensed male relatives.
Fatiha, 53, filed for divorce after beatings from her husband -- who disapproved of her career plans -- left her in hospital for three months with severe trauma and fractures. "All I wanted was to become a singer," Fatiha said.
The repeated violence caused psychiatric disorders in her children and one of her daughters attempted suicide, she said. Exhausted and unable to endure such humiliating violence any longer, Fatiha sought refuge with her aged father while waiting for her divorce, leaving the children with her husband.
When her father died and she was left without a protector, her husband came with one of her sons to kill her, knowing that she was alone in the house. She escaped death thanks to a neighbor who warned her of their plan, and found refuge at the Darna women's centre in Algiers.
Now divorced, Fatiha has the freedom to develop her talents as a poet and singer.
With support from the women's centre she has written a collection of poems, and made a CD expressing her pain in song.
- Reuters
By Lamine Chikhi
Additional reporting by Abdelaziz Boumzar; Editing by Tom Pfeiffer)
Such cases remain exceptions in a male-dominated Muslim society in which, despite official appearances, women are often treated like slaves and violently abused by husbands, fathers and brothers.
"Don't be fooled by a minority of westernized women," said Saliha Larab from Algerian women's organization RAFD. "Algeria remains a very conservative society that considers women as second-class citizens."
Algerian women who fought for independence -- like Hassiba Ben Bouali and Jamila Bouhired -- are still held up as heroines in the north African country.
Equality of the sexes is enshrined in Algeria's constitution and women hold senior positions in central and regional government, the courts, security services and embassies.
The government says sexual harassment has been criminalized and provisions added to legislation to bolster women's rights.
But up to a dozen women and children can sometimes be seen sleeping rough on the streets in downtown Algiers at night, many fleeing spousal abuse or rejected by husbands in family disputes.
According to police figures, 7,400 women in the north African country of 33 million were victims of violence in 2005, up from 5,845 in 2004.
"The figures don't say much. The big problem is most victims don't complain," said Larab. "They stay silent, fear reprisals by society. A woman does not have the right to complain."
At a centre for women in distress in Algiers, Lamia, 35, said she had endured five years of beatings from her husband in front of her young children before he threw her onto the streets.
She fled her village to escape a barrage of persecution and insults from her husband and neighbors. Destitute, she appealed to her own family but they rejected and abandoned her.
Lamia received no support and for a while lost custody of her children. When they were returned to her she found they had been sexually abused by one of her husband's relatives. "I made a complaint but all I got in return was another beating from my husband, who is a police officer."
Now in the shelter, Lamia's daughter is back in primary school after a long break in her education. A non-governmental organization gave her legal assistance to claim rights such as child maintenance payments from her husband and official custody of the children.
HEROINES
Although reproductive health has improved dramatically and the birth rate declined, the rate of illiteracy among Algerian women is still twice as high as for men, at 37 percent, and only 13 per cent of women are in the paid workforce, according to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
With nearly a quarter of Algerians living below the national poverty line and 70 percent of adults under 30 without a job, frustration and insecurity are widespread -- and women are most often the victims.
Amnesty International said in a report in 2005 that allegations of rape and other sexual violence were often not investigated and those responsible were not brought to justice.
A 2005 amendment to the family code improved the position of women by banning men from divorcing their wives for no reason, giving women access to financial support from former husbands and a right to a home if they gain custody of their children.
But President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rejected a recommendation by a government-appointed reform commission to abolish a rule forcing women to get permission from a male family member or so-called tutor to marry.
Analysts say Bouteflika's decision not to drop the clause from an amendment to the 1984 family code showed Islamic parties still carry influence after a long-running militant uprising that has claimed the lives of up to 200,000.
SINGING CAREER, SUICIDE
Wives and daughters who make their grievances public often risk a violent revenge by incensed male relatives.
Fatiha, 53, filed for divorce after beatings from her husband -- who disapproved of her career plans -- left her in hospital for three months with severe trauma and fractures. "All I wanted was to become a singer," Fatiha said.
The repeated violence caused psychiatric disorders in her children and one of her daughters attempted suicide, she said. Exhausted and unable to endure such humiliating violence any longer, Fatiha sought refuge with her aged father while waiting for her divorce, leaving the children with her husband.
When her father died and she was left without a protector, her husband came with one of her sons to kill her, knowing that she was alone in the house. She escaped death thanks to a neighbor who warned her of their plan, and found refuge at the Darna women's centre in Algiers.
Now divorced, Fatiha has the freedom to develop her talents as a poet and singer.
With support from the women's centre she has written a collection of poems, and made a CD expressing her pain in song.
- Reuters
By Lamine Chikhi
Additional reporting by Abdelaziz Boumzar; Editing by Tom Pfeiffer)
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