By Jamel Arfaoui for Magharebia in Tunis – 21/04/09
Bochra Bel Haj Hmida is a lawyer, women's rights activist, and former president of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women. She has been one of the fiercest opponents of she regards as the oppression of Tunisian women regarding inheritance.
Hmida is also responsible for saving dozens of young people from the gallows in 1984, when she met former president Habib Bourguiba and his wife Wassila and convinced the president to issue a pardon.
Magharebia: In statements earlier this year, you warned against the risk of a decline in Tunisian women's gains. Do you still maintain those ideas? Can you tell us about the nature and source of that risk?
Hmida: Like many human rights activists, I believe that we managed to secure significant gains, starting with the Personal Status Code issued half a century ago, as well as all the supporting and complementing laws, along with the rise in the number of educated girls and family planning policies, in addition to all other measures aimed at enhancing women's position in society.
Nonetheless, those gains remain retractable for a number of reasons.
One: the political and cultural position in the region, wherein women are looked at as second-class citizens. Until 2003 (with the Moroccan Moudawana), Tunisia was the only country where women lived under a law that ensured their political rights. Although many Arab laws were amended with regard to personal status or political rights, and though many countries (e.g. Algeria, Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan, Saudi Arabia) ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), laws continued to rely on flagrant discrimination between both genders. As such, Tunisian women enjoy a distinctive, almost unique status, which does not exactly serve to reinforce their rights.
Two: Western policies versus the Arab region, the oppression sustained by the Palestinian people at the hands of the occupation, the US invasion of Iraq, the Western stance toward democratisation, are all factors that breed closed-mindedness among Tunisian men and women, and their chauvinist national sense of belonging at the expense of human values. Women's rights are used as a tool of political and national conflict, as well as a tool to impose identity and disseminate backward thinking within society. Women are always first to pay the price.
Three: the state also has a central role in this regard. It has taken key decisions to improve women's conditions, in response to their developing needs across the numerous domains. Yet, women are still used as a marketing tool abroad, while domestically, the cause of women remains dependent on political agendas and relations with religious groups. Further, when the state harps on the issue of women, it is always by way of propaganda. The state therefore never admits to the discrimination faced by women. On the contrary, the state brags that it has given women their full rights. As such, they take measures discreetly.
Also, there is the state's inconsistent and unsuccessful manner of handling Islam on the political, social and cultural levels, in terms of banning the Hijab (veil), followed by the pulling-the-rug policy (all the concessions along the years from the eighties until recently, like allowing a religious radio station and receiving Sheikh Qaradawi as a religious and political icon). All such policies open the door before further retractions and cast doubts over the legitimacy of women's rights.
Four: the Tunisian media, for more than half a century, has never been a venue for discussing matters and changes of interest to society (such as Radio Mosaique or the Internet). Thus, it cannot hold a candle to the impact of Arab satellite channels, which, though diverse, do not play a positive role in entrenching human values, or a free, multilateral, and calm dialogue.
Magharebia: Tell us about the ground you have gained in the battle for equality in inheritance.
Hmida: The campaign was launched back in 1999. We were aware of the difficulty of the situation. However, we've gained a lot of ground. Most importantly, discussing equality in inheritance is no longer a taboo, but a topic often discussed in newspapers, many public institutions as well as within families, many of whom have chosen to take precautionary measures in order to ensure wives and girls dodge damages. Some books were also released on the topic, such as those by Ali Al Mazghani and by Kalthoum Mazio, conducted by the Association of Tunisian Women for Research and Development (AFTURD).
A law was also passed to exempt endowment contracts from registration fees, to the benefit of husbands, ancestors, and descendents. This had an immediate impact on Tunisians; the state can provide us with the relevant figures. We have also given women in Morocco, Algeria and, to some extent, Egypt the green light to discuss the issue.
Magharebia: Is it true that women were the fiercest opponents of the call for equality in inheritance?
Hmida: This is not an easy question to answer. However, we can just say that reactions are not governed by the conventional intellectual and political criteria. In fact, reactions show that inheritance is purely a matter of interests. We have seen secularists, opponents, and women refuse to sign the petition. We have also seen devout men and constitutional individuals eagerly sign the Democratic Women petition.
Magharebia: What arguments do your opponents cite? How do you respond?
Hmida: The arguments are many. The most significant are Sharia and the clarity of Qur'anic verse, which are always cited by the majority of opponents, who share either political or religious views. Others who rely on wrong and unfruitful political calculations claim that the issue is not a priority and that society is not prepared. The truth is that they know nothing about society or its requirements and aspirations. The argument that I personally see as evidence of ill will is the one that pleads that as long as man is responsible for supporting his family, we cannot call for equality in inheritance. The fact of the matter is that women take part in supporting their families, and that changing the law of inheritance presupposes changes in other laws.
[AFTURD] responded to all those arguments in a booklet entitled "Fifteen Proofs in Support of Gender Equality in Inheritance". Magharebia: Although the Personal Status Code was passed more than fifty years ago, women in Tunisia still suffer from violence. Does that mean that the Code, which sought to modernise society, was a failure?
Hmida: The Code was not a failure. The problem of violence extends far beyond the Code and all laws, which, though important, cannot solve all problems, especially violence against women, a global problem present in all countries, even in those that eliminated all forms of legal and political discrimination, such as Finland. Violence is based on the theory of gender discrimination.
A man is entitled to harass a woman. If a woman harasses a man, she is called "shameless". A man, on the other hand, can attack his wife violently to teach her manners. The opposite would be regarded as strange or disdainful. Society is built on discrimination. Abolishing all forms of discrimination, especially in mentalities, is the only way to end the phenomenon of violence. Women all over the world still have a long way to go.
Magharebia: Why aren't there more Tunisian women in leadership positions in politics, unions, and NGOs, which support your call for gender equality?
Hmida: Tunisia has not made much progress in this area, despite progress in the law. It can be traced back to mentalities, to what we ask of women, and to rivalry in the field of politics. The feminist movement itself was not settled through a feminist perspective, but rather through a political, state-like vision. In my opinion, that situation requires adopting bold measures, such as the principle of quota. Also, enhancing discussions even within women's organisations and within society is important so that women's candidacy and voting for women would not be different from men's candidacy and voting for men. In other words, women are not required to be perfect.
Magharebia: In 2003, you encountered vehement censure from conservatives for taking part in a seminar on the rights of homosexuals. You were accused of defending them while turning a blind eye to women's right to wear the hijab. Would you be prepared at present to take part in a similar seminar? Is it true that you do not support women's right to wear whatever they want, including hijab?
Hmida: First of all, I did not take part in a seminar on the rights of homosexuals. I took part in the European Social Forum, which discussed topics including sexual rights. I participated on the issue of gay rights in the Arab region – law and reality. I explained that the law criminalises sexual relationships between individuals of the same gender, and that Arab societies handle this case very hypocritically. This is indeed similar to those who launched a campaign against me then and on other occasions before, and those who support them.
I further explained my position saying that this choice is part of human rights, and is a question of personal choice and individual freedom. We ought to discuss sex-related questions more openly and scientifically so as to confront sexual violence against women and children, achieve justice in that domain, define what one's rights are, and identify the aggressor and the victim. I am prepared to attend such seminars and to fight in order to put an end to criminalising the voluntary sexual relations between adults and abolish all forms of sexual violence.
Hijab is directly related to this topic since it has to do with a woman's body and society's and man's views of it. In that regard, I am completely against all forms of suppression even if practiced against my opponents. I believe that wearing or rejecting the hijab is a matter of personal freedom. This is how I am basically different from zealous proponents of hijab and those who apply human rights unilaterally, and take advantage of the hijab to serve a political agenda that is totally divorced from a woman's individual rights. Also, the hijab is a sign of disdain of women, who it is believed should be hidden.
Showing posts with label interview. Show all posts
Showing posts with label interview. Show all posts
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Monday, April 13, 2009
Kuwait: Kuwaiti electors to blame for political gridlock; Little attention paid to female voters
I’m endeavoring to revive people’s sense of duty towards their country, said Dr Salwa Al-Jassar, an aspiring candidate in the coming legislative elections. She was speaking to the Arab Times in an interview in which she shared her vision and her opinions on the current political conditions in Kuwait. She also touched upon some of the findings of the UNDP studies that she took part in as a member of the organization’s Kuwait chapter.
Q: How do you see the future of Kuwaiti women in the local political scene?
A: I was appointed as a councilor for a very thorough and extended study by UNDP, Kuwait branch, aiming to review and analyze Kuwaiti women’s participation in 2008 elections. The study was conducted over six months and data was gathered using a number of techniques. It also included the opinions of a number of female candidates who participated in the previous elections.
The conclusions reached by the study, although not yet publicized, are a very positive indication of the opportunities Kuwaiti women have in Kuwait’s politics. Opinions and statistics gathered and scrutinized in the study clearly indicate an increase in awareness of women’s rights, and a general acceptance of women’s capabilities by the society.
Q: What are the major lessons you’ve learned from your participation in the legislative elections last year?
A: To start with, my experience as a candidate in 2008 elections has added so much to me as a person and broadened my understanding of my own capabilities, especially in my career as an instructor and professor in Kuwait University, as well as a researcher. Being a legislative candidate, I learnt so much about myself and my own country and community. This experience has enabled me to define myself as a person, as well as define my stand as a women’s rights activist and a person who is associated with many NGOs.
In 2006, I was not encouraged to participate in the then legislative elections despite the support I got from my family and numerous other people due to the aggressive and hostile atmosphere created against women who were exercising their newly-granted political rights for the first time. So, I did not capitalize on that opportunity as the challenges were very big.
However, I closely observed the travails of Kuwaiti women as they went to the polls and ran for elections. I also made a comparison between Kuwait and other Arab nations that undertook similar experiments with democracy such as Tunisia and Morocco among others. I was devastated to discover that no analytical studies were conducted by state-run institutions or NGOs in Kuwait. There were some positive initiatives undertaken to evaluate the experience of Kuwaiti women who went to the polls for the first time in the state’s history. Very little attention was given to the 2006 elections and especially women’s participation in it by the media.
Through my own research and studies, I learnt that Kuwait fell behind other nations in the political arena. Women in countries granting them political rights have always enjoyed a comprehensive support from activists, media, NGOs and governments who collaborate with one another to give more meaning to democracy. Meanwhile, in Kuwait, this experience went unnoticed and the period between 2006 elections and now wasn’t properly used even by female candidates who took part in the race to Parliament in 2006.
My last experience in the elections of 2008 also gave me a very good idea of what approach to take with electors. I have come to understand that when addressing electors one must condescend to grassroots levels and not approach them from ivory towers. I’ve also learned to present practical solutions to the problems rather than attacking the government to gain voters’ support. I believe Kuwait’s citizens are sick and tired of hearing clichés which candidates keep repeating over and over again without solving anything.
Q: How do you look at your failed bid for the parliament in 2008?
A: It was a definite success for me at all levels. It’s true I did not make it to the parliament, yet the number of votes I gained was a clear indication of the success I achieved, bearing in mind that the second constituency where I’m running is one of the biggest constituencies. It is also a constituency where veteran politicians and expert parliamentarians compete and therefore the competition is very tough. Furthermore, the second constituency is also known for widespread corruption and vote buying. Therefore, it is quite a challenge for a new candidate to make it through to the parliament from this constituency, regardless of the gender.
I also believe my experience rebuffs allegations that Kuwaiti women do not support other women: 1800 of the votes I received were from women, proving such allegations are baseless.
Q: You have mentioned that you compared women’s political experience in Kuwait with that of women in other countries in the world. Could you highlight the similarities and differences you spotted?
A: I realized that the world over there is a general prejudice against women entering politics, and it is not confined to Kuwait or the Middle East. In fact, such concerns are there in the developed world as well. It is a globally widespread notion that women are incompetent to hold powerful posts and are incapable of handling political pressures due to their emotional configuration and abilities.
Of course such beliefs in Kuwait are more dominant, as Kuwaiti community is strongly affected by a code of conservative traditions and principles which feed the false mindsets. People think that women lack leadership qualities or abilities to take decisions. Women are thought of as being incapable of handling pressures. Sadly, it is not only the men who carry these misconceptions, but women too.
Q: What were the most important factors you took into consideration when you took the decision of running for the elections in 2008 and 2009?
A: A very serious step such as running in the legislative election could have never been made randomly. It required a lot of preparation and research. It was very essential for me that I get my family’s support prior to announcing my candidacy. As you know, we are part of the Kuwaiti community with all its traditions and conservativeness and it would have been rather awkward for me to go through such a move knowing my family is not by my side.
Gratefully, I had my family’s support from the very beginning. They showed their trust and faith in my abilities and in me. This support boosted my confidence to go ahead with what I promised the electors about focusing on the needs and requirements of the Kuwaiti families and rejuvenating values of solidarity.
Q: As both an elector and a candidate, did you come across practices that you have not agreed with, especially by other candidates?
A: Yes … once I received a phone call from a woman who tried persuading me to vote for a certain male candidate. The funny thing was that the caller kept mispronouncing the candidate’s name which provoked me to ask if she has ever met him. Obviously the answer was no, and she explained that she, along with a whole team of women were appointed to make such phone calls to female voters. She knew nothing about this candidates’ character or identity!! I believe such a candidate, who fails to prepare and train those campaigning for him has no respect for the voters.
One more thing I noticed is that candidates pay very little attention to female voters when publishing huge ads in local papers. A candidate’s ad can fill up a page or a large part of it to announce the holding of a symposium, but only a very small, hardly visible line in the ad will be addressing the female readers. I see such a gesture as blatant lack of concern for female electors who make up more than half of Kuwait’s illegible voters.
On the other hand, female candidates go to extreme levels to reach male electors and gain their support on their electoral agenda. I’d say this is due to lack of awareness and because politics has been a male’s bastion for too long.
I bet that majority of Kuwait’s eligible female voters are graduates from universities, yet they rely on their male relatives or companions when deciding whom to vote for.
Q: How do you regard the fact that highly educated women fail to make their own political choices?
A: The idea is really scary! It really scares me to know that our education brings up citizens who lack a sense of national duty and who do not understand their responsibilities as Kuwaiti citizens. It is a dangerous realization that a hundred thousand female voters choose to sell off their votes, or support illegal primaries, or submit to political pressures of some kind or even abet in malpractices. The increase in election malfeasance only hints at a gross disrespect for democratic values.
Q: Reaching the parliament is of course the goal of every legislative candidate, but do you have other goals as well?
A: When I decided to run for the 2008 elections, I had already known that my chances of winning were very slim...may be only one percent. Nevertheless, I had other goals in mind.… I wanted to present a positive example of a Kuwaiti woman contributing to the Kuwaiti political scene and I’m proud to say that I succeeded in that regard. It’s because of this success that all those who work in my campaigns are volunteers who believe in who I am.
I made it a point to be available in my electoral headquarters every day since the previous elections in order to get in touch with voters in my constituency. I also made it a point to meet with volunteers working on my campaign, talk to them regularly, and train them to properly endorse the candidate whom they’re promoting without offending or undermining the voter’s sensibilities.
Q: How about your electoral agenda? Will your priorities for this year change from that of last year?
A: I do not promote a certain program, but I do have a vision. I don’t believe a candidate should have a certain agenda but should be open to tackling all problems. However, I will focus on four major issues starting with education — I believe the solution to all problems lies in an ideal educational system. The second issue is regarding the Kuwaiti youth who I feel are not properly cared for. There is a lot to be done to provide job opportunities and supporting outstanding students and talents.
The third concern of mine is Kuwaiti women. I am not worried about their education, access to health services, or job opportunities, because Kuwaiti women are doing well in all these areas. However, there are major obstacles hindering optimum benefits for women’s capabilities, most important of which is the traditional mindset which still dominates the Kuwaiti society of both genders. It is quite disappointing that Kuwait, which once pioneered GCC states in women’s rights, constitution, democracy and laws, has now fallen behind all other countries, which have paved the way for women to work as judges, or hold more ministerial portfolios or other leading posts.
Q: So far you’ve mentioned education, Kuwaiti youth and Kuwaiti women as three of the four main concerns of yours as a candidate. What is the fourth matter of interest in your electoral campaign?
A: Yes.… the final concern is very important. It is to do with the proper understanding of citizenship and national identity...the deficiency of this is the core cause of the political dilemma that Kuwait is grappling with for many years now. General conditions in the country have created mistrust among the people for the regime and the political system.
So they’re choosing to withdraw from contributing to the community.
Although I hold citizens responsible for this seemingly unending political gridlock, I feel the real cause of it is the Kuwaiti families, which are not doing enough to raise good citizens. Our generation was brought up the classical way, and that’s why we ended up as active and responsible individuals who are keen to contribute to our society. It is essential to raise awareness on the importance of the role of families in inculcating good habits in the children.
Further, Kuwait witnessed a sudden and dramatic financial boom which wasn’t synchronized by a full and correct understanding of urbanization, which, naturally, led to the mishandling of these modern facilities. Kuwaitis, with abundant wealth, have become crassly consumerist and search for the easy options in all walks of life at the cost of real values.
Sadly, studies have proved that Kuwait is amongst the world’s top ten countries whose citizens contribute the least to national development compared to their high monthly wages. This is a national threat. Such an attitude towards life leads to a very negative impact on citizens’ actions in all aspects of life, including politic. This means that legislative candidates who promise benefits for individuals are only seeking to win elections, and not for national welfare.
Thereby, I will focus on reviving values and principles amongst Kuwaitis and stoke their will to build their own nation and move forward rather than believing in shortcuts.
Q: HH the Amir had repeatedly and in vain cautioned former parliamentarians on malpractices, stating that he will not hesitate to take any measure to safeguard Kuwait’s stability. Do you think the final Amiri speech given during the dissolution of the parliament will bring about the desired change in the behaviors of both aspiring candidates and electors?
A: It should.… It must and I hope the change will include the nation as a whole! The Amir’s speech was directed to everyone in the state, including citizens and institutions. I deem this a very historical speech, which was delivered at the appropriate moment because Kuwait is on the verge of a terrible future if this political impasse doesn’t come to an end.
We, as a nation, have encountered numerous crises which we have successfully handled. However, this is by far the worst Kuwait has encountered on the financial, social, cultural and political fronts.
Nonetheless, I’m sensing a change, especially with the availability of the unprecedented numbers of new TV channels and newspapers, which provide the space for citizens to express their opinions, particularly the segment of citizens who are silent and make up around 40 percent of the whole nation. This segment is not ignorant of what’s happening around them, but on the contrary, it is just looking for an opportunity to express its opinion. Thus far, this segment has expressed its dissatisfaction over the past parliaments. If this so called “silent segment” of Kuwait, which is capable of brining about huge changes, decides to act, I predict a major positive change will take place in Kuwait.
I believe this profusion of new media channels rang a wakeup call and alerted Kuwaitis as they exposed what was previously hidden, and also terminated the monopoly of certain individuals as information providers. I predict that a change of around 25 or 30 percent is coming up in the new parliament, although I’m not very optimistic because what we’re seeing now is the outcome of many negative factors that accumulated over the years and which will take as many years to clear.
Q: Kuwait has grappled with constant disputes between five governments and three parliaments during three years. Which authority is to be blamed for this? Or do you believe disputes among members of the ruling family have a hand in this?
A: To be honest with you, I find it extremely unnecessary to delve in such debates. I strongly believe those responsible for this gridlock are the Kuwaitis themselves... after all it’s their votes which made up these parliaments. The attitude of voters with respect to discharging their duties towards their nation is plagued by a defective thinking that surfaced following the Iraqi Invasion, which brought about a sea change in people’s ideas about nationalism, loyalty and national responsibilities.
Therefore, the Kuwaiti citizen no longer performs his duties out of loyalty for his country, but rather out of self interest. That’s why a citizen so easily violates any law if that could help him or her achieve the desired goal. Sadly, this approach has politicized the different blocs and alliances, and spread to include a large section of the Kuwaiti population. Therefore, lawmakers are not voted based on their competence, but based on personal favors and palm greasing.
The previous parliament convened only 12 times due to lack of quorum. Similarly, many committees held very limited meetings all through the legislative term. This in itself reflects the interests of former parliamentarians.
Q: So you don’t think the former governments are to be blamed for any of this?
A: Of course the executive authority bears a share of the blame too, but which government should we hold responsible? In three years, five different cabinets were appointed! The cabinet’s problem lay in the appointment of unfit ministers lacking leadership qualities, scientific knowledge, a will to reform, or a vision for development.
Q: Do you think merging premiership with the post of crown prince will put an end to this political stalemate?
A: It definitely will, yes. As per the country’s customs, crown princes don’t get grilled, and therefore this will check the efforts of those MPs who try to be a stumbling block in the way of any productive reforms brought about by the prime minister. It is important to mention that the former Prime Minister, Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohamed, was a reformer. He was honest, diplomatic and a true statesman, and was unfortunately brought down by a minority seeking personal gains.
By Dahlia Kholaif
Arab Times Staff
Q: How do you see the future of Kuwaiti women in the local political scene?
A: I was appointed as a councilor for a very thorough and extended study by UNDP, Kuwait branch, aiming to review and analyze Kuwaiti women’s participation in 2008 elections. The study was conducted over six months and data was gathered using a number of techniques. It also included the opinions of a number of female candidates who participated in the previous elections.
The conclusions reached by the study, although not yet publicized, are a very positive indication of the opportunities Kuwaiti women have in Kuwait’s politics. Opinions and statistics gathered and scrutinized in the study clearly indicate an increase in awareness of women’s rights, and a general acceptance of women’s capabilities by the society.
Q: What are the major lessons you’ve learned from your participation in the legislative elections last year?
A: To start with, my experience as a candidate in 2008 elections has added so much to me as a person and broadened my understanding of my own capabilities, especially in my career as an instructor and professor in Kuwait University, as well as a researcher. Being a legislative candidate, I learnt so much about myself and my own country and community. This experience has enabled me to define myself as a person, as well as define my stand as a women’s rights activist and a person who is associated with many NGOs.
In 2006, I was not encouraged to participate in the then legislative elections despite the support I got from my family and numerous other people due to the aggressive and hostile atmosphere created against women who were exercising their newly-granted political rights for the first time. So, I did not capitalize on that opportunity as the challenges were very big.
However, I closely observed the travails of Kuwaiti women as they went to the polls and ran for elections. I also made a comparison between Kuwait and other Arab nations that undertook similar experiments with democracy such as Tunisia and Morocco among others. I was devastated to discover that no analytical studies were conducted by state-run institutions or NGOs in Kuwait. There were some positive initiatives undertaken to evaluate the experience of Kuwaiti women who went to the polls for the first time in the state’s history. Very little attention was given to the 2006 elections and especially women’s participation in it by the media.
Through my own research and studies, I learnt that Kuwait fell behind other nations in the political arena. Women in countries granting them political rights have always enjoyed a comprehensive support from activists, media, NGOs and governments who collaborate with one another to give more meaning to democracy. Meanwhile, in Kuwait, this experience went unnoticed and the period between 2006 elections and now wasn’t properly used even by female candidates who took part in the race to Parliament in 2006.
My last experience in the elections of 2008 also gave me a very good idea of what approach to take with electors. I have come to understand that when addressing electors one must condescend to grassroots levels and not approach them from ivory towers. I’ve also learned to present practical solutions to the problems rather than attacking the government to gain voters’ support. I believe Kuwait’s citizens are sick and tired of hearing clichés which candidates keep repeating over and over again without solving anything.
Q: How do you look at your failed bid for the parliament in 2008?
A: It was a definite success for me at all levels. It’s true I did not make it to the parliament, yet the number of votes I gained was a clear indication of the success I achieved, bearing in mind that the second constituency where I’m running is one of the biggest constituencies. It is also a constituency where veteran politicians and expert parliamentarians compete and therefore the competition is very tough. Furthermore, the second constituency is also known for widespread corruption and vote buying. Therefore, it is quite a challenge for a new candidate to make it through to the parliament from this constituency, regardless of the gender.
I also believe my experience rebuffs allegations that Kuwaiti women do not support other women: 1800 of the votes I received were from women, proving such allegations are baseless.
Q: You have mentioned that you compared women’s political experience in Kuwait with that of women in other countries in the world. Could you highlight the similarities and differences you spotted?
A: I realized that the world over there is a general prejudice against women entering politics, and it is not confined to Kuwait or the Middle East. In fact, such concerns are there in the developed world as well. It is a globally widespread notion that women are incompetent to hold powerful posts and are incapable of handling political pressures due to their emotional configuration and abilities.
Of course such beliefs in Kuwait are more dominant, as Kuwaiti community is strongly affected by a code of conservative traditions and principles which feed the false mindsets. People think that women lack leadership qualities or abilities to take decisions. Women are thought of as being incapable of handling pressures. Sadly, it is not only the men who carry these misconceptions, but women too.
Q: What were the most important factors you took into consideration when you took the decision of running for the elections in 2008 and 2009?
A: A very serious step such as running in the legislative election could have never been made randomly. It required a lot of preparation and research. It was very essential for me that I get my family’s support prior to announcing my candidacy. As you know, we are part of the Kuwaiti community with all its traditions and conservativeness and it would have been rather awkward for me to go through such a move knowing my family is not by my side.
Gratefully, I had my family’s support from the very beginning. They showed their trust and faith in my abilities and in me. This support boosted my confidence to go ahead with what I promised the electors about focusing on the needs and requirements of the Kuwaiti families and rejuvenating values of solidarity.
Q: As both an elector and a candidate, did you come across practices that you have not agreed with, especially by other candidates?
A: Yes … once I received a phone call from a woman who tried persuading me to vote for a certain male candidate. The funny thing was that the caller kept mispronouncing the candidate’s name which provoked me to ask if she has ever met him. Obviously the answer was no, and she explained that she, along with a whole team of women were appointed to make such phone calls to female voters. She knew nothing about this candidates’ character or identity!! I believe such a candidate, who fails to prepare and train those campaigning for him has no respect for the voters.
One more thing I noticed is that candidates pay very little attention to female voters when publishing huge ads in local papers. A candidate’s ad can fill up a page or a large part of it to announce the holding of a symposium, but only a very small, hardly visible line in the ad will be addressing the female readers. I see such a gesture as blatant lack of concern for female electors who make up more than half of Kuwait’s illegible voters.
On the other hand, female candidates go to extreme levels to reach male electors and gain their support on their electoral agenda. I’d say this is due to lack of awareness and because politics has been a male’s bastion for too long.
I bet that majority of Kuwait’s eligible female voters are graduates from universities, yet they rely on their male relatives or companions when deciding whom to vote for.
Q: How do you regard the fact that highly educated women fail to make their own political choices?
A: The idea is really scary! It really scares me to know that our education brings up citizens who lack a sense of national duty and who do not understand their responsibilities as Kuwaiti citizens. It is a dangerous realization that a hundred thousand female voters choose to sell off their votes, or support illegal primaries, or submit to political pressures of some kind or even abet in malpractices. The increase in election malfeasance only hints at a gross disrespect for democratic values.
Q: Reaching the parliament is of course the goal of every legislative candidate, but do you have other goals as well?
A: When I decided to run for the 2008 elections, I had already known that my chances of winning were very slim...may be only one percent. Nevertheless, I had other goals in mind.… I wanted to present a positive example of a Kuwaiti woman contributing to the Kuwaiti political scene and I’m proud to say that I succeeded in that regard. It’s because of this success that all those who work in my campaigns are volunteers who believe in who I am.
I made it a point to be available in my electoral headquarters every day since the previous elections in order to get in touch with voters in my constituency. I also made it a point to meet with volunteers working on my campaign, talk to them regularly, and train them to properly endorse the candidate whom they’re promoting without offending or undermining the voter’s sensibilities.
Q: How about your electoral agenda? Will your priorities for this year change from that of last year?
A: I do not promote a certain program, but I do have a vision. I don’t believe a candidate should have a certain agenda but should be open to tackling all problems. However, I will focus on four major issues starting with education — I believe the solution to all problems lies in an ideal educational system. The second issue is regarding the Kuwaiti youth who I feel are not properly cared for. There is a lot to be done to provide job opportunities and supporting outstanding students and talents.
The third concern of mine is Kuwaiti women. I am not worried about their education, access to health services, or job opportunities, because Kuwaiti women are doing well in all these areas. However, there are major obstacles hindering optimum benefits for women’s capabilities, most important of which is the traditional mindset which still dominates the Kuwaiti society of both genders. It is quite disappointing that Kuwait, which once pioneered GCC states in women’s rights, constitution, democracy and laws, has now fallen behind all other countries, which have paved the way for women to work as judges, or hold more ministerial portfolios or other leading posts.
Q: So far you’ve mentioned education, Kuwaiti youth and Kuwaiti women as three of the four main concerns of yours as a candidate. What is the fourth matter of interest in your electoral campaign?
A: Yes.… the final concern is very important. It is to do with the proper understanding of citizenship and national identity...the deficiency of this is the core cause of the political dilemma that Kuwait is grappling with for many years now. General conditions in the country have created mistrust among the people for the regime and the political system.
So they’re choosing to withdraw from contributing to the community.
Although I hold citizens responsible for this seemingly unending political gridlock, I feel the real cause of it is the Kuwaiti families, which are not doing enough to raise good citizens. Our generation was brought up the classical way, and that’s why we ended up as active and responsible individuals who are keen to contribute to our society. It is essential to raise awareness on the importance of the role of families in inculcating good habits in the children.
Further, Kuwait witnessed a sudden and dramatic financial boom which wasn’t synchronized by a full and correct understanding of urbanization, which, naturally, led to the mishandling of these modern facilities. Kuwaitis, with abundant wealth, have become crassly consumerist and search for the easy options in all walks of life at the cost of real values.
Sadly, studies have proved that Kuwait is amongst the world’s top ten countries whose citizens contribute the least to national development compared to their high monthly wages. This is a national threat. Such an attitude towards life leads to a very negative impact on citizens’ actions in all aspects of life, including politic. This means that legislative candidates who promise benefits for individuals are only seeking to win elections, and not for national welfare.
Thereby, I will focus on reviving values and principles amongst Kuwaitis and stoke their will to build their own nation and move forward rather than believing in shortcuts.
Q: HH the Amir had repeatedly and in vain cautioned former parliamentarians on malpractices, stating that he will not hesitate to take any measure to safeguard Kuwait’s stability. Do you think the final Amiri speech given during the dissolution of the parliament will bring about the desired change in the behaviors of both aspiring candidates and electors?
A: It should.… It must and I hope the change will include the nation as a whole! The Amir’s speech was directed to everyone in the state, including citizens and institutions. I deem this a very historical speech, which was delivered at the appropriate moment because Kuwait is on the verge of a terrible future if this political impasse doesn’t come to an end.
We, as a nation, have encountered numerous crises which we have successfully handled. However, this is by far the worst Kuwait has encountered on the financial, social, cultural and political fronts.
Nonetheless, I’m sensing a change, especially with the availability of the unprecedented numbers of new TV channels and newspapers, which provide the space for citizens to express their opinions, particularly the segment of citizens who are silent and make up around 40 percent of the whole nation. This segment is not ignorant of what’s happening around them, but on the contrary, it is just looking for an opportunity to express its opinion. Thus far, this segment has expressed its dissatisfaction over the past parliaments. If this so called “silent segment” of Kuwait, which is capable of brining about huge changes, decides to act, I predict a major positive change will take place in Kuwait.
I believe this profusion of new media channels rang a wakeup call and alerted Kuwaitis as they exposed what was previously hidden, and also terminated the monopoly of certain individuals as information providers. I predict that a change of around 25 or 30 percent is coming up in the new parliament, although I’m not very optimistic because what we’re seeing now is the outcome of many negative factors that accumulated over the years and which will take as many years to clear.
Q: Kuwait has grappled with constant disputes between five governments and three parliaments during three years. Which authority is to be blamed for this? Or do you believe disputes among members of the ruling family have a hand in this?
A: To be honest with you, I find it extremely unnecessary to delve in such debates. I strongly believe those responsible for this gridlock are the Kuwaitis themselves... after all it’s their votes which made up these parliaments. The attitude of voters with respect to discharging their duties towards their nation is plagued by a defective thinking that surfaced following the Iraqi Invasion, which brought about a sea change in people’s ideas about nationalism, loyalty and national responsibilities.
Therefore, the Kuwaiti citizen no longer performs his duties out of loyalty for his country, but rather out of self interest. That’s why a citizen so easily violates any law if that could help him or her achieve the desired goal. Sadly, this approach has politicized the different blocs and alliances, and spread to include a large section of the Kuwaiti population. Therefore, lawmakers are not voted based on their competence, but based on personal favors and palm greasing.
The previous parliament convened only 12 times due to lack of quorum. Similarly, many committees held very limited meetings all through the legislative term. This in itself reflects the interests of former parliamentarians.
Q: So you don’t think the former governments are to be blamed for any of this?
A: Of course the executive authority bears a share of the blame too, but which government should we hold responsible? In three years, five different cabinets were appointed! The cabinet’s problem lay in the appointment of unfit ministers lacking leadership qualities, scientific knowledge, a will to reform, or a vision for development.
Q: Do you think merging premiership with the post of crown prince will put an end to this political stalemate?
A: It definitely will, yes. As per the country’s customs, crown princes don’t get grilled, and therefore this will check the efforts of those MPs who try to be a stumbling block in the way of any productive reforms brought about by the prime minister. It is important to mention that the former Prime Minister, Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohamed, was a reformer. He was honest, diplomatic and a true statesman, and was unfortunately brought down by a minority seeking personal gains.
By Dahlia Kholaif
Arab Times Staff
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)